Thursday, December 18, 2014

Kedah Unionists' Threat of Strike - Demand Release of Gaoled Tamils- The Straits Times

Following the arrest of  twelve estate workers who involved in a riot around Kulim and Bedong, a special correspondent of The London Times, Sydney Balhorn, wrote a review of the incident and condition of trade unions in Malaya which reflected well on the thoughts of the British administration in Malaya.
AM Samy

Gist of the article can be summarized as:

1. A.M Samy running militant groups in the name of trade unions (Thondar Padai) that go around intimidating Asian workers to strike

2. The government has been taking soft approach towards Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Unions which actively organizing strikes to cripple British administration in Malaya.

3. Trade unions were infiltrated by communist and their ideology. The main perpetrators were the Chinese of Malayan Communist Party.

4. Stern actions against trade unions were not only desired by British officials, planters and Asiatic property owners but also the 90% of Malayan population who wanted British administration to use force to maintain law and order in Malaya.

5. Unless the British administration introduce “vigorous enforcement of the banishment enactment” , Malaya may not able to recover from economic backlash that was seriously inflicted upon it during Japanese occupation.

As any good journalism ethic demand, Sydney Balhorn failed to report fairly on the root cause of the riot and the appalling condition of labourers in estates. The "Thondar Padai" or the Youth Corp was established to eradicate "toddy" shops which operated by state government in estates and towns. The self-styled "Youth Corps" brought revolutionary self-respects reforms among Indians labourers. These reformations threatened the British establishment in Malaya. Thus, efforts were taken to eliminate this movement and British mouth piece like The Straits Times played major roles in tarnishing the image of Thondar Padai by linking and associating it to extremism and communist ideology.


Demand Release of Gaoled Tamils

Forecast of the general strike of Malayan labourers unless the gaoled Kedah Tamil rioters were released was made yesterday by the vice-president of Kedah Federation of Trade Unions, Mr. A.M Samy.

Asked by the Straits Times special representative, Sydney Balhorn, whether he considered he and the Pan-Malayan Federation of Trade Union were influential enough to call a general strike, Samy said, “Time will show.”

Blaming communist for estate rioting, the Times (London) special correspondent, says: “the recent sentences imposed on the Indian rioters from Kedah estates, while showing commendable resolution on the Government’s part, still do not go to the roof of the trouble, for the vast majority of these Indians rioters were but tools, and unwilling tools, at that, of Chinese agitators of the Malayan Communist Party.”

The Straits Times reporter says: “Kedah’s Indian labour organizer is so upset about the gaol sentences of Tamil involved in fights with the police at Kulim Bedong and Bukit Sembilan estate that he anticipates a general strike if they are not released.

“This leader of 26,000 Indians, 60-year-old A.M Samy is a shopkeeper on Harvard estate, where a six week strike forerunner to the present disturbances, broke out last July.

Samy is also vise president of Kedah F.T.U and President of Indian section of the Rubber Workers’ General Labour Union.

“He spends much of his tome at the modest premises of the K.F.T.U in Sungai Petani but according to the authorities, whose bid worry he is, Samy also goes around estate urging labourer to strike.

“These authorities say Samy has a Youth Corps which makes sure that the labourers adopt his advice to strike or resist the police.

“Before the question of general strike which would be confined to labourers arose, Samy told me, he would appeal to the Governor of The Malayan Union to release all convicted people.

“If this appeal failed, he would engage a lawyer, either locally or in India, for court appeal.

“The convictions in the any case, he said, would be referred to the World Federation of Trade Unions which would take up the matter which the British Government.

“Samy said ‘these people are innocent and I am preparing to testify in court on their behalf.”

The correspondent of the Times says: “The root cause can be summed up in one word, intimidation, and it dominates Malaya’s economic life just now. Workers are intimidated into striking, Asiatic property owner are intimidated into paying sums which go into individuals’ pocket or parties’ coffers.

“Witnesses, if the Police try to nail down cases, are intimidated into silence. Asiatic, especially Chinese, are easily intimidated.

Many Asiatics, contrasting today fear-laden atmosphere with the comparative security of life and property which prevailed during the Japanese regime known it is not possible for the British Administration to employ the summary, although effective methods of the Japanese, but there is a widespread desire in the Malayan Union for the Government to take a much firmer line in restoring order.

“The desire for the strong action is by no mean limited to British officials, planters and Asiatic property owners. It is wanted by at least 90 percent of the Asiatic population, whose store of the goodwill for the returning British administration has been steadily whittled down as much by latter’s failure to restore orderly conditions as by economic stringency.

“While some of the intimidation can be laid at the door gangsters operating on their own or on secret societies specializing in extortion and protection, there is no shadow of doubt that the greater part of it can be traced to the Malayan Communist Party and to the numerous organization through which it works.

“The idea which certain liberal minded British had in the earlier days of the re-occupation, which the British would be able to continue to co-operate with these left-wing groups which had given them useful help during the war has long since been shattered.

“While the problem of the intimidation will have to tackled in several ways, all circles in Kuala Lumpur agree that the first and the most important measure would be vigorous enforcement of the banishment enactment.”

Wednesday, December 17, 2014

Sang Saka Merah Putih and Malayan Representatives at Asian Relations Conference Delhi 25th March to 2nd April 1947

One of the main events that brought out S.A Ganapathy’s name to main stream media was The Asian Relationship Conference 1947 which was held at Old Fort, New Delhi from 23rd March to 2nd April 1947. [1]It was hosted by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who then headed a provisional government that was preparing for India's Independence, which came on 15 August 1947. The Asian Relations Conference brought together many leaders of the independence movements in Asia, and represented a first attempt to assert Asian unity. The objectives of the conference were "to bring together the leading men and women of Asia on a common platform to study the problems of common concern to the people of the continent, to focus attention on social, economic and cultural problems of the different countries of Asia, and to foster mutual contact and understanding."

In his writings and speeches, Nehru had laid great emphasis on the manner in which post-colonial India would rebuild its Asia connections. At this conference Nehru declared: "... Asia is again finding herself ... one of the notable consequences of the European domination of Asia has been the isolation of the countries of Asia from one another. ... Today this isolation is breaking down because of many reasons, political and otherwise ... This Conference is significant as an expression of that deeper urge of the mind and spirit of Asia which has persisted ... In this Conference and in this work there are no leaders and no followers. All countries of Asia have to meet together in a common task”

According to The Straits Times dated 12th March 1947, nineteen Malayans leaders of various movement in Malaya participated the conference including two women representative as well.

Participants list

1. Dr. Burhannuddin - President of Malay Nationalist Party
2. Mohammed Salleh Daud – Centre Committee Member of Malay Nationalist Party
3. Che Hajjah Zain binti Sulaiman – malay woman educationist of Johore
(Hajjah Zainun Bte Munshi Sulaiman (1903-1989) also known as Ibu Zain, later became a prominent member of UMNO)
4. Philip Hoalim – President of Malayan Democratic Union (lawyer)
5. H.A Talalla – member of Singhalese community in Malaya (merchant and planter)
6. E.E.C Thuraisingam – President of Ceylone Federation of Malaya (lawyer)
7. Bramachari Kailasam – Honorary Joint Secretary of the Indian Relief Committee in Malaya
8. R. Jumabhoy – President of the Indian Chamber of Commerce, Singapore and Convenor of the Singapore Regional Indian Congress
9. J.M Jamnadas – Committee Member of Singapore Regional Indian Congress (Merchant)
10. Gurdial Singh – Honorary treasurer Selangor Regional Indian Congress (merchant)
11. N. Raghavan – Committee member of Penang Congress (lawyer)
12. Dr. A.Y Helmi (Indonesian)
13. P.P Narayanan – General Secretary Negeri Sembilan Indian Labour Union
14. Yap Meow Sieu- Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Unions
15. C. D Abdullah - Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Unions
16. S.A Ganapathy – Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Unions
17. C. Daviesayaham – woman leader (Singapore)
18. J. A Thivy – President of Malayan Congress
19. Bhagwan Singh – President of Malayan Sikh Union

The highest number of representation was form the Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Unions and the report indicated that there are four representatives from labour unions (including P.P Narayanan)

This shows how much India has its influence in Malaya and among Malayan nationalists which explains many event that folded after the conference including "Hartal" on 20th October 1947.

Also noticed that in one of the photographs taken during a speech delivered by Gandhi in the conference, the Malayan People Federation flag, Sang Saka Merah placed where Dr Burhanuddin Helmy was seated.

The significant of the conference shows that Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) was widely accepted as a Malay nationalist party which worked with other multi ethnic groups (such as MCA and MIC) and labour organisations such as Pan Malaya Federation of Trade Unions to form the Putera-AMCJA alliance to fight for independence from British. UMNO which was founded in 1946, did not receive much support from local Malays as it was seen as another agent of the British. If only the Emergency was not declared in June 1948, Dr.Burhanuddin could have been our first prime minister.

Nehru with delegates of Asian Relation Conference 1947
Delegates of Conference
Entrance to the auditorium 
Indian Delegates
Procession of Delegates to the Conference
Mrs. Sarojini Naidu - Chairperson of the Conference
Nehru speaking to delegates - Dr Burhanuddin seated 6th from right 
Nehru greeting Dr.Burhanuddin Helmy- Leader of Delegates from Malaya to Asian Relation Conference
Gandhi and Nehru with delegates from Tibet
Gandhi speaking at the closing ceremony - 2nd April 1947
Nehru, Gandhi and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
Nehru, Indra Gandhi and Vijaya Laxmi greeting delegates during dinner
Nehru speaking at the opening ceremony 24th March 1947
Nehru and Dr.Sutan Djsharir - Representative from Indonesia
Dr.Sutan Djsharir speaking to delegates
Nehru meeting delegates

Sang Saka Merah - the flag of Malayan People Federation placed where Dr.Burhanuddin was seated. The photograph was taken when Gandhi delivered his speech at the Asian Relations Conference - Delhi April 1947

Images taken from: and Wikipedia)

  Speech by Gandhi 
Speech Before Inter-Asian Relations Conference April 2, 1947

The closing session of the Inter-Asian Relations Conference held on April 2, 1947 was a great finale to the intense activity which marked the proceedings during the past ten days. Over 20,000 visitors and delegates and observers gave a great ovation to Gandhiji when Mrs. Naidu introduced him as a ‘one of the greatest Asians of the age’. Gandhiji who followed Dr.Sjahriar, the Premier of Indonesia, made the following speech
I do not think that I should apologize to you for having to speak in a foreign tongue. I wonder if this loud speaker carries my voice to the farthest end of this vast audience. If some of those who are far away are unable to listen to what I may say, it will be the fault of the loud speaker.

I was going to tell you that I do not wish to apologize. I dare not. You cannot understand the provincial language, which is my mother tongue. I do not want to insult you by speaking in my own language (Gujarati). Our national speech is Hindustani. I know that it will be a long time before it can be made into an international speech. For international commerce, undoubtedly, English occupies the first place. I used to hear that French was the language of diplomacy. I was told, when I was young, that if I wanted to go from one end of Europe to the other, I must try to pick up French. I tried to learn French, in order that I may be able to make myself understood. There is a rivalry between the French and the English. Having been taught English, I have naturally to resort to it.

I was wondering, as to what I was to speak to you. I wanted to collect my thoughts, but, let me confess to you that I had no time. Yet I had promised yesterday that I would try to say a few words. While I was coming with Badshah Khan, I asked for a little piece of paper and pencil. I got a pen, instead of a pencil. I tried to scribble a few words. You will be sorry to hear that piece of paper is not by my side, though I remember what I wanted to say.

You, friends, have not seen the real India and you are not meeting in conference in the midst of real India. Delhi, Bombay, Madras, Calcutta, Lahore-all these are big cities and are, therefore, influenced by the West.
I then thought of a story. It was in French and was translated for me by an Anglo-French philosopher. He was an unselfish man. He befriended me without having known me, because he always sided with the minorities. I was not then in my own country. I was not only in a hopeless minority, but in a despised minority, if the Europeans in South Africa will forgive me for saying so. I was a coolie lawyer. At the time, we had no coolie doctors, and we had no coolie lawyers. I was the first in the field. You know, perhaps, what is meant by the word ‘coolie’.

This friend–his mother was a French woman and his father was an Englishmen–said: “I want to translate for you a French story. There were three scientists who went out from France in search of truth. They went to different parts of Asia. One of them found his way to India. He began to search. He went to the so-called cities of those times–naturally this was before British occupation, before even the Mogul period. He saw the so-called high caste people, men and women, till he felt at a loss. Finally, he went to one humble cottage and there he found the truth that he was in search of.”

If you really want to see India villages at its best, you have to find it in the humble bhangi homes of such villages. There are seven lakhs of such villages, and thirty-eighty crores of people inhabit them.
If some of you see the Indian villages, you will not be fascinated by the sight. You will have to scratch below the dung heap. I do not pretend to say that they were places of paradise. Today, they are really dung heaps. They were not like that before. What I say is not from history, but from what I have seen myself. I have traveled from one end of India to the other, and I have seen the miserable specimens of humanity with the lustreless eyes. They are India. In these humble cottages, in the midst of these dung heaps, are to be found humble bhangis, in whom you find the concentrated essence of wisdom.

Again, I have learnt from books–books written by English historians. We read books written in English historians, but we do not write in our own mother tongue, or in the national language Hindustani. We study our history through English books, rather than through originals. That is the cultural conquest which India has undergone.

The first of these wise men was Zoroaster. He belonged to the East. He was followed by Buddha who belonged to the East–India. Who followed Buddha? Jesus, who came from the East. Before Jesus was Moses who belonged to Palestine, though he was born in Egypt. And after Jesus came Mohamed. I omit my reference to Krishna and Rama and other lights. I do not call them lesser lights but they are lees known a single person in the world to match these men of Asia. And then what happened? Christianity became disfigured, when it went to the West. I am sorry to have to say that–I would not talk any further.
I have told you the story, in order to make you understand that what you see in the big cities is not the real India. Certainly, the carnage that is going on before our very eyes is a shameful thing. As I said yesterday, do not carry the memory of that carnage beyond the confines of India.

What I want you to understand is the message of Asia. It is not to be learnt through the western spectacles or by imitating the atom bomb. If you want to give a message of truth. I do not want merely to appeal to your head. I want to capture your heart.

In this age of democracy, in this age of awakening of the poorest of the poor, you can redeliver this message with the greatest emphasis. You will complete the conquest of the West, not through vengeance, because you have been exploited, but with real understanding. I am sanguine, if all of you put your hearts together–not merely heads–to understand the secret of the message these wise men of the East have left to us, and us if we really become worthy of that great message, the conquest of the West will be completed. This conquest will be loved by the West itself.

The West is today pinning for wisdom. It is despairing of a multiplication of the atom bombs, because the atom bombs mean utter destruction, not merely of the West, but of the whole world, as if the prophecy of the Bible is going to be fulfilled and there is to be a perfect deluge. It is up to you to tell the world of its wickedness and sin–that is the heritage your teachers and my teachers have taught Asia.

Gandhi's speech in Audio
Harijan, 20-4-1947, pp. 116-17
(Extracted from

Speech by Jawaharlal Nehru | Asian Relations Conference 1947

NEW DELHI, India, 24 March 1947

Friends and fellow Asians! What has brought you here, men and women of Asia? Why have you come from the various countries of this mother continent of ours and gathered together in the ancient city of Delhi? Some of us, greatly daring, sent you invitation for this Conference and you gave a warm welcome to that invitation. And yet it was not merely that call from us but some deeper urge that brought you here.

We stand at the end of an era and on the threshold of a new period of history. Standing on this watershed which divides two epochs of human history and endeavour, we can look back on our long past and look forward to the future that is taking shape before our eyes. Asia, after a long period of quiescence, has suddenly become important again in world affairs. If we view the millennia of history, this continent of Asia, with which Egypt has been so intimately connected in cultural fellowship, has played a mighty role in the evolution of humanity. It was there that civilization began and man started on his unending adventure of life. Here the mind of man searched unceasingly for truth and the spirit of man shone out like a beacon which lightened up the whole world.

This dynamic Asia from which great streams of culture flowed in all directions, gradually became static and unchanging. Other peoples and other continents came to the fore and with their dynamism spread out and took possession of great parts of the world. This mighty continent became just a field for the rival imperialisms of Europe, and Europe became the centre of history and progress in human affairs.
A change is coming over the scene now and Asia is again finding herself. We live in a tremendous age of transition and already the next stage takes shape when Asia takes her rightful place with the other continents.

It is at this great moment that we meet here and it is the pride and privilege of the people of India to welcome their fellow Asians from other countries, to confer with them about the present and the future, and lay the foundation of our mutual progress, well-being and friendship.

The idea of having an Asian Conference is not new and many people have thought of it. It is indeed surprising that it should not have been held many years earlier, yet perhaps the time was not ripe for it and any attempt to do so would have been superficial and not in tune with world events. It so happened that we in India convened this Conference, but the idea of such a Conference arose simultaneously in many minds and in many countries of Asia. There was a widespread urge and an awareness that the time had come for us, peoples of Asia, to meet together, to hold together and to advance together. It was not only a vague desire but a compulsion of events that forced all of us to think along these lines. Because of this, the invitation we in India sent out brought an answering echo and a magnificent response from every country of Asia.

We welcome you delegates and representatives from China, that great country to which Asia owes so much and from which so much is expected; from Egypt and the Arab countries of western Asia, inheritors of a proud culture which spread far and wide and influenced India greatly; from Iran whose contacts with India go back to the dawn of history; from Indonesia and Indo-China whose history in intertwined with India’s culture, and where recently the battle of freedom has continued — a reminder to us that freedom must be won and cannot come as a gift; from Turkey that has been rejuvenated by the genious of a great leader; from Korea and Mongolia, Siam, Malaya and the Philippines; from the Soviet Republics of Asia which have advanced so rapidly in our generation and which have so many lessons to teach us; from our neighbors Afghanistan, Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, Burma and Ceylon to whom we look especially for co-operation and close and friendly intercourse. Asia is very well represented at this Conference, and if one or two countries have been unable to send representatives, this was due to no lack of desire on their part or ours, but circumstances beyond our control came in the way. We welcome also observers from Australia and New Zealand because we have many problems in common, especially in the Pacific and in the Southeast region of Asia, and we have to co-operate together to find solutions.

As we meet here today, the long past of Asia rises up before us, the troubles of recent years fade away, and a thousand memories revive. But I shall not speak to you of these past ages with their glories and triumphs and failures, nor of more recent times which have oppressed us so much and which still pursue us in some measure.

During the past two hundred years we have seen the growth of Western imperialism and of the reduction of large parts of Asia to colonial or semi-colonial status. Much has happened during these years, but perhaps one of the notable consequences of the European domination of Asia has been the isolation of the countries of Asia from one another. India always had contacts and intercourse with her neighbor countries in the Northwest, the Northeast, the East and the Southeast. With the coming of British rule in India these contacts were broken off and India was almost completely isolated from the rest of Asia. The old land routes almost ceased to function and our chief window to the outer world looked out on the sea routes which led to England. A similar process affected the other countries of Asia also. Their entire economy was bound up with some European imperialism or other; even culturally they looked towards Europe and not to their own friends and neighbors from whom they had derived so much in the past.

Today this isolation is breaking down because of many reasons, political and other. The old imperialisms are fading away. The land routes have revived and air travel suddenly brings us very near to each other. This Conference itself is significant as an expression of that deeper urge to the mind and spirit of Asia which has persisted in spite of the isolationism which grew up during the years of European domination. As that domination goes, the walls that surrounded us fall down and we look at each other again and meet as old friends long parted.

In this Conference and in this work there are no leaders and no followers. All countries of Asia have to meet together on an equal basis in a common task and endeavour. It is fitting that India should play her part in this new phase of Asian development. Apart from the fact that India herself is emerging into freedom and independence, she is the compelling factor, and a geographically she is so situated as to be the meeting point of western and northern and eastern and southeast Asia. Streams of culture have come to India from the west and the east and been absorbed in India, producing the rich and variegated culture which is India today. At the same time, streams of culture have flowed from India to distant parts of Asia. If you would know India you have to go to Afghanistan and Western Asia, to Central Asia, to China and Japan and to the countries of Southeast Asia. There you will find magnificent evidence of the vitality of India’s culture which spread out and influenced vast numbers of people.

There came the great cultural stream from Iran to India in remote antiquity. And then the constant intercourse between India and the Far East, notably China. In later years Southeast Asia witnessed an amazing efflorescence of Indian art and culture. The mighty stream which started from Arabia and developed as a mixed Irano-Arabic culture poured into India. All these came to us and influenced us and yet so great was the powerful impress of India’s own mind and culture that it could accept them without being itself swept away or overwhelmed. Nevertheless we all changed in the process and in India today all of us are mixed products of these various influences. An Indian, wherever he may go in Asia, feels a sense of kinship with the land he visits and the people he meets.

I do not wish to speak to you of the past but rather of the present. We meet here not to discuss our past history and contacts but to forge links for the future. And may I say here that this Conference, and the idea underlying it, is no way aggressive or against any other continent or country. Ever since news of this Conference went abroad some people in Europe and America have viewed it with doubt imagining that this was some kind of a Pan-Asian movement directed against Europe or America. We have no designs against anybody; ours is the great design of promoting peace and progress all over the world. For too long we Asia have been petitioners in Western courts and chancellories. That story must now belong to the past. We propose to stand on our own feet and to co-operate with all others who are prepared to co-operate with us. We do not intend to be the plaything of others.

In this crisis in world history Asia will necessarily play a vital role. The countries of Asia can no longer be used as pawns by others; they are bound to have their own policies in world affairs. Europe and America have contributed very greatly to human progress and for that we must yield them praise and honour, and learn from them the many lessons they hay to teach. But the West has also driven us into wars and conflicts without number and even now, the day after a terrible war, there is talk of further wars in the atomic age that is upon us. In this atomic age Asia will have to function effectively in the maintenance of peace. Indeed there can be no peace unless Asia plays her part. There is today conflict in many countries, and all of us in Asia are full of our own troubles. Nevertheless, the whole spirit and outlook of Asia are peaceful, and the emergence of Asia in world affairs will be powerful influence for world peace.
Peace can only come when nations are free and also when human beings everywhere have freedom and security and opportunity. Peace and freedom, therefore, have to be considered both in their political and economic aspects. The countries of Asia, we must remember, are very backward and the standards of life are appallingly low. These economic problems demand urgent solution or else crisis and disaster might overwhelm us. We have, therefore, to think in terms of the common man and fashion our political, social, and economic structure so that the burdens that have crushed him be removed, and he may have full opportunity for growth.
We have arrived at a stage in human affairs when the ideal of that ‘One World’ and some kind of a world federation seems to be essential though there are many dangers and obstacles in the way. We should work for that ideal and not any grouping which comes in the way of this larger world group. We therefore support the United Nations structure which is painfully emerging from its infancy. but in order to have ‘One World’, we must also in Asia think of the countries of Asia co-operating together for that larger ideal.

This conference, in a small measure, represents this bringing together of the countries of Asia. Whatever it may achieve, the mere fact of its taking place is itself of historic significance. Indeed this occasion is unique in history for never before has such a gathering met together at any place. So even in meeting we have achieved much and I have no doubt that out of this meeting greater things will come. When the history of our present times is written, this event may well stand out as a landmark which divides the past of Asia from the future. And because we are participating in this making of history something of the greatness of historic events comes to us all.

This Conference will split up into committees and groups to discuss various problems which are common concerns to all of us. We shall not discuss the internal politics of any country because that is rather beyond the scope of our present meeting. Naturally we are interested in these internal politics because they act and react on each other, but we may not discuss them at this stage, for if we do so, we may lose ourselves in interminable arguments and complications. We may fail to achieve the purpose for which we have met. I hope that out of this Conference some permanent Asian Institute for the study of common problems and to bring about closer relations will emerge; also perhaps a School of Asian Studies. further, we might be able to organise interchange of visits and exchanges of students and professors so that we might know each other better. There is much else we can do, but I shall not venture to enumerate all the subjects for it is for you to discuss them and arrive at some decisions.

We seek no narrow nationalism. Nationalism has a place in each country and should be fostered, but it must not be allowed to become aggressive and come in the way of international development. Asia stretches her hand out in friendship to Europe and America as well as to our suffering brethren in Africa. We must help them to take their rightful place in the human family. The freedom that we envisage is not to be confined to this nation or that or to a particular people, but must spread out over the whole human race. That universal human freedom cannot also be based in the supremacy of any particular class. It must be the freedom of the common man everywhere and full of opportunities for him to develop.

We think today of the great architects of Asian freedom — Sun Yat-sen, Zaghlul Pasha, the Ataturk Kemal Pasha and others, whose labours have borne fruit. We think also of that great figure whose labours and whose inspiration have brought India to the threshold of her independence — Mahatma Gandhi. We miss him at this Conference and I yet hope that he may visit us before our labours end. He is engrossed in the service of the common man in India, and even this Conference could not drag him away from it.

All over Asia we are passing through trials and tribulations. In India also you will see conflict and trouble. Let us not be disheartened by this: this is inevitable in an age of mighty transition. There is a new vitality and powerful creative impulse in all the peoples of Asia. The masses are awake and demand their heritage. Strong winds are blowing all over Asia. Let us not be afraid of them but rather welcome them for only with their help can we build the new Asia of our dreams. Let us have faith in these great new forces and the things which are taking shape. Above all let us have faith in the human spirit which Asia symbolised for these long ages past.

(Extracted from:

Thursday, July 17, 2014

Thondar Padai under A.M Samy Leadership Blamed for Labour Unrest

AM Samy
The Straits Times dated 3rd March 1947 reported that the Kedah Strikes had been crushed with 12 rioters were put to trial and jailed.

A special Bill also to be introduced at the Malayan Union Advisory Council meeting banning military uniforms.

It also reported several hundred labourers including women and children took part in riot and fought against police at Bedong, Kedah.

Due to the fear of wide spreading strike, the managers in rural area in Kedah had sent their wives and children to Penang.

Duty Commissioner for Labour Kedah, J.T Rea, blamed the unrest on Thodar Padai lead by A.M Samy and other union leaders. The troubled was confined to Indians estate employees who numbered at 26,000.


Wednesday, July 16, 2014

Kedah Estate Riot - Thondar Padai Organised Strike - Over 1000 Indian Workers around Bedong Involved

A.M Samy
One of the important labour strikes which saw involvement of A.M Samy's Thondar Padai was the "Kedah Strike" which took place at Bedong, Kedah.

Over 1000 labourers staged their protest against appalling working and unhygienic living conditions, low wage, long working hours and operation of toddy shops under estate management.

A.M Samy, instrumental for the formation of Thodar Padai – the Volunteer Corp. The Thondar Padai members who were mainly ex-members Indian National Army (INA) had firsthand experience in seeing the defeat of the British Empire in the hands of Japanese Imperial Army during the World War II. The anti-imperialism mindset left by Bose made Thondar Padai raised with confidence against the atrocities of British planters. 

In the Forgotten Wars- The End of Britain's Asian Empire, Christopher Bayly and T N Harper :

"In February 1947, a crowd of a thousand or so Thondar Padai descended on Bedong, only to be confronted by police. A labourer came forward: We are not anti government,' he cried, 'We are only against the drinking of toddy." He was clubbed to the ground and later died in hospital. The coroner recorded a death of 'justifiable homicide.' A series of protest strikes erupted in the area. At Bukit Sembilan estate on 3rd March 1947 trouble was triggered by dismissal of a woman activist, and police faced orchestrated resistance. "Women were to be forefront armed with pepper." it was reported; "boiling water was kept ready; men were to be armed with sticks, stones and bottle full of sand, trees were to be cut down make roadblocks." Sixty-six people were arrested, and all but 2 women of them sent to jail after a trial that lasted only a day. Fearing a rescue attempt, the police closed hearing to public. An investigation by the Malayan Indian Congress revealed collusion and premeditation on the part of local planters and police, S.K Chettur claimed that women were beaten and there were allegations that two young girls were raped in custody. Condition at Bukit Sembilan estate were particularly dire: the only supply of water came from ravines and labourers shared it with their cattle; the manager has their water brought from town lorry. The strikers' demand focused on wages and family needs, such as creches (day care centres), better housing and equal pay for women. But the real source of anger was the summary dismissal of workers: "Managers feel that because we reside on the estate we are as much as their property as rubber tress."

The editorial of The Straits Times dated 27th February 1947, gave a detail description of Kedah Estate Riots

Kedah Estate Riots
(From Our Correspondent)

Alor Star, Wednesday

Police squads are patrolling the rubber estate in central Kedah, where riots have been spreading for over a fortnight.

Parties involved in the dispute are a labor force of about 1000 and the management of four European-owned estates – Bedong, Sungai Tawar, Sungai Toh Pawang and Bukit Sembilan.

The trouble began at Bukit Sembilan estate which belongs to Rubber Trust Ltd., of Hong Kong. Labourers went on strike after rejection of demand which the management consider unreasonable.

During riots which followed, labourers ware alleged to have seized an estate lorry cutting off manager from supplies of food and water. Kedah police were summoned and escorted the manager to Penang. 

(Please refer to T N Harper's work above on reasons for seizure of estate lorry carrying water supply to manager's residence. Even K. Nadaraja in his 'Thondar Padai Reform Movement in Kedah Riots of 1947' failed to give a fair justification on the seizure the estate lorry carrying water by the labourers)

The whole estate is now under police control.

There have been several clashed between rioters and police during which sticks, stones and boiling water were thrown at the police.

At Bedong, 300 to 400 Indians and others held a procession through the town. After the arrival of police from Sungai Patani, the crowd dispersed.

Police went to the rescues of an estate conductor who was tied up for continuing to work at Sungei Tawar after others has gone on strike.

Some firms with estates in Kedah have advised managers not to bring their wives and children to Malaya.

Further research into this intriguing Bukit Sembilan incident where a young dresser who seized a lorry carrying water to the manager's residence, I came to know that the person's name was Paliah (பாலையா) from Bukit Sembilan Estate. Interestingly, the Straits Times dated 18th August 1947 (page 5) also named Paliah as the person who led the strike against oppressing estate manager who denied labourers access to clean water. Paliah was detained and sentenced two weeks of rigorous imprisonment (The Straits Times - 27th August 1947) for restraining officer J.M MacLean, OCPD of Sungai Petani in executing his duty.

The Straits Times - 18th August 1947
The Straits Times - 25th August 1947
 "Paliah..we may have forgotten your name, but not your fighting spirit"    

Monday, July 7, 2014

The Kedah Strike - Remarkable Unionist A.M Samy

As I dwell further into Ganapathy and PMFTU to get a detail view in how many strikes did PMFTU was involved with since January 1946, one particular incident repeated all over pages of history.."the serious of Kedah Strikes" and the name A.M Samy.
I managed to get some details of the strike and interesting to know that A.M Samy aka A.Munusamy started a movement called "Thondar Padai" played vital role. Thondar Padai was a self-styled para-militia group formed by remnants of members of Indian National Army (INA) which functioned under Subhas Chandra Bose during World War II. Bose had definitely breathed in a new form of revolution among indentured Indian labourers in Malaya.
A.M Samy (Photo courtesy: STS Sivam)
On 23rd August 1947, Singapore Press published the news of 26,000 estate workers to stage strike under Kedah Rubber Workers' Federation (a member union of PMFTU)

I will be writing further on A.M Samy in my future postings.


Jananayagam - 5th May 1945 - Ganapathy's Short History

Jananayagam (Democracy) published on the 5th May 1949 carried the life story of Ganapathy on its first page - "Thukkilidapatta Ganapath...