On the 20th of March 2016, I presented a paper in forum titled "Tribute to S. A. Ganapathy and Lim Chin Siong: Develop the selfless devotion spirit of these eminent leaders of the Malaya labour movement".
I was truly honoured to present this paper and sharing the same stage with the most prominent historian C. C Chin, who have dedicated more than 50 years in researching on leftist movement in Malaya and Singapore.
“The act can be called only British Imperialist murder and one of last desperate stabs of the dying imperialist system. More than 15,000 innocent Malayans have been jailed flogged, tortured or killed by the British authority for the past year for no other crime but that of belonging to unions and advocating that British get out of their country and leave it to the people who truly own it. The crime of your government becomes all more shocking when we consider that in part it was carried out with weapon and money produced and furnished by the people and the trade union members of United States”
Meanwhile in India, the British owned newspaper Calcutta Statesman conceded the execution was draconian punishment and that death sentence for carrying arms should be tempered in particular by tact and leniency. The newspaper added
that in the interest of Indo-British goodwill, Malayan authorities responsible for this ill-timed, unstateman-like handling of affair - which from the nature necessarily had international significance-, should be removed by Whitehall[4]. The newspaper wanted the responsible authorities in Malaya who mishandled this case to be removed.
The Indian Daily Mail also reported reactions from various Indian leaders. One of them was the General Secretary of Indian National Congress, Kala Venkatarao, who was the compared Ganapathy's prosecution with that of Cardinal Mindszenty[5].
The Nagpur Socialist Party observed 15th May 1949 as "Saheed (Martyr) Ganapathy Day". In an appeal to Indian Government, Secretary of the party, Suresh Gangga commented that execution of Ganapathy and the shooting of P.Veerasenan by the Malaya authorities compelled realization that the life of an Indian was very cheap in the eyes of foreigners[6].
 |
| Printed Booklet |
Another India’s prominent socialist and trade union leader, Asoka Metha regarded Ganapathy’s execution like a pendant in the Commonwealth chain recently forged in London[7].
So much have been reported on Ganapathy’s execution yet very little has been written about him. The British colonial masters and capitalists, in pursuing their ambition to continue their influence over Malaya, went out to extreme extents to paint many genuine trade unionists as reds. Many of the trade unionists’ records were kept from public hence for many years their personalities and the values that they stood for were not discussed in public domain. Only in recent years when the Public Office Records released some of the files on Ganapathy[8], we are able to look into Ganapathy’s personalities and derived the ideology of his struggles were based upon.
Brief History of Ganapathy
S.A Ganapathy was born in 1917 in Madras District Tamil Nadu[9]. In 1929, he came to Singapore and subsequently obtained employment[10]. He joined the Malayan Communist Party in 1939[11]. During Japanese occupation from 1943 to 1945 he was an instructor in the Indian National Army[12]. After the liberation, he resumed work for the Malayan Communist Party in organizing the Indian Section of the General Labour Union of which he was appointed Secretary in November, 1945[13]. During 1946 and 1947 he worked actively to extend the control of the General Labour Union[14]. He was reported to be a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Malayan Communist Party[15].
 |
| Organising Committee - Sahabat Rakyat |
Ganapathy was elected as President of Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Unions in February 1947[16]. The union believed to be controlling more than sixty percent of workforce in Malaya with 400,000 members[17]. From 25th March to 2nd April 1947, Ganapathy represented Malaya to Asian Relationship Conference in Delhi[18]. In 1947, under Ganapathy’s leadership, SFTU organized a massive May Day parade of 50,000 members. The following year when STFU pledged that 100,000 labourers shall be taking part in the May Day parade, Singapore government banned all procession and rallies. Cheng Lu, the General Secretary of PMFTU, appealed all labourers to abandon their plans for celebration
“in view of Government’s threat to use military force to suppress them”[19]. If the rally would have been approved, this could have been the largest May Day parade in the history of labour movement in this country.
Ganapathy disappeared from public when Emergency was announced in June 1948 before he was caught when he was in hiding in rubber estate (Waterfall Estate, Rawang Selangor) on March 1st, 1949[20]. He was arrested by the acting manager of the estate, J.W.W Simons with a group of special constables[21]. It is said that Ganapathy refused to surrender and put up a struggle and tried to draw his revolver from his belt. But he was over powered and handed to OCPD of Rawang[22].
On 15th March 1949, Ganapathy was tried and sentenced to death by hanging for unlawful possession of a .45 revolver and carrying six rounds of ammunition[23]. In the trial, two of the special constables and the OCPD of Rawang gave evidence against Ganapathy[24]. Ganapathy’s case was further appealed in Supreme Court but was dismissed on the 1st April, 1949[25]. On April 23rd, The Selangor State Executive confirmed Ganapathy’s sentence[26].
Was Ganapathy A Communist? Gurudevan – Ganapathy’s Mentor
Even though many debated the kind of ideologies that Ganapathy would have embraced in his struggle, T.N Harper in his work, "The End of British Empire and the Making of Malaya" stated that S.A Ganapathy was a communist. This point further strengthened by claims made by a former Special Branch Officer Ahmad Khan in an interview with Singapore National Archive[27]. Another person who confirmed the same point was former member of Indian National Army (INA) and Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA), V. Sudarman[28] in an interviewed who strongly believed that Ganapathy’s communist ideology would have come from enigmatic person called Gurudevan[29].
In an oral history interview[30], another former Special Branch officer, Richard Corridon who was responsible to capture and interrogated Gurudevan claimed even the name “Gurudevan” could not have been the person’s actual name. “Gurudevan” which means “Teacher of the Gods” would have been given to Gurudevan in Indian Independence League and INA in view of Gurudevan’s in-depth knowledge in communism and his role in teaching and propagating communist ideology to many known leftist in Singapore including of those English-educated like John Eber.
Ahmad Khan[31], former Special Branch officer assigned to assist Corridon to curb communist movement among Indians in Malaya regarded Gurudevan as “a very intelligent man”[32] and known for his skills in disguising. Gurudevan also said to hold a “very senior rank” in CPM and ran his operation from a small room in a telephone company while being a small office-bearer with Telephone Company Employee Union in Singapore. Ahmad Khan also revealed that Ganapathy was known to be prominent Indian communist leader even before the Second World War[33].
Relating Ganapathy’s involvement in communist activities during Japanese occupation, it has been reported that Ganapathy was detained and tortured by Japanese Kempeitai prior to arrival of Bose to Singapore. Ganapathy was detained between March and April 1942. In the custody of Japanese Kempeitai, Ganapathy was beaten with leather straps to extract confession of being a communist[34].
Self-Respect Movement and Periyar in Singapore
Self -Respect Movement (later commonly known as Dravidian movement) which was started by E.V Ramasamy influenced and brought many social changes among Indians in Malaya and Singapore. E.V Ramasamy visits to Malaya in 1929 and 1931 to preach eradication of caste practices received many supports among South Indians in Malaya. According to S. Veerapandian, an ardent follower of E.V.Ramasamy and B.R.Ambedkar, in a serious of lectures[35] made a reference to Ganapathy who had great admiration for E.V Ramasamy and his reformation in Tamil Nadu. According to Veerapandian, during the anti-Hindi protest in Tamil Nadu in 1937, Ganapathy was said to have sent three representatives[36] from Singapore to participate in the protest. In a letter to E.V Ramasamy, Ganapathy stated that he was not able participate in the protest as he was occupied with movement to eradicate caste discrimination in Malaya.
It is interesting to know that Dravidian nationalists were first organized in the Ahampadiyar Sangam (society) of Singapore, a depressed-caste uplift society, and then the Tamil Reform Society formed in the 1930s[37]. It is been speculated that Ganapathy could have been closely associated with Ahampadiyar Sangam as Ganapathy belonged to Ahampadiyar caste. The idea of Tamil reformation was given effective expression with a spate of journalistic activity, beginning at the end of the 1920s:
Munnetram (Progress or Uplift) was begun in 1929,
Sreethirutham (Reform) in 1931 and
Tamil Murasu in 1935. Beside extensive reports of Dravidians movement in South India, they too propagate reformist ideology of Ahampadiyar Sangam and Tamil Reform Association which includes the evils of caste system, domination of Brahmanism, the need for temperance, improved education and health, the eradication of religious rituals such as fire-walk or
kavadi, support monogamous Hindu marriage and emancipation of women[38]. All these exposures would have not only shaped Ganapathy’s personality but also many South Indian youths in Malaya. The popularity of Tamil reform message is attested by the wide circulation of the Tamil Murasu which came to the main rival of the Tamil Nesan in the mid-1930s[39].
The Self-Respect Movement itself was very much influenced by communist ideology. Malayapuram Singaravelu Chettiar[40], a pioneer in trade union struggles in Tamil Nadu, felt that Self Respect Movement and the communist movement in Tamil Nadu should work together to save Tamil labourer from the clutches of religion and economic exploitation. Singaravelu’s contribution published in Kudiyarasu, the official mouth-piece of Self-Respect Movement. The significance of Singaravelar's association with the Self-Respect movement is brought out by Karthigesu Sivathamby, a prominent Tamil scholar from Sri Lanka who has closely studied the social movements in Madras province;
"By this time the rationalist movement, through its association with the world socialist movement, was becoming more scientific. It was not merely rationalism in the Ingersolian sense. It was becoming more and more scientific... promotion of socialism, and so on. And this is seen in the immediate tie-up of M. Singaravelu Chettiar and Periyar"[41]
As most of articles and views published in Kudiyarasu constantly re-published in Tamil daily in Singapore, this may have shaped Ganapathy’s perspective in his truggle against capitalist class.
Social Reformist: Caste Discrimination in Malaya (1936 – 1938)
It is said that the higher caste South Indians living in Singapore remanded higher caste and lower caste not to be treated equally as this would have violate the “Varnasharama Dharma”. Thus, lower caste were who generally working as municipality workers were discriminated especially in coffee shops where they were only allowed to have their coffee in tinned cans and sit down on the floor and not benches. It nearly took two years for Ganapathy to eradicate this discriminating practices and bring about social reforms among Indians in Singapore.
Indian Labourers, Indian National Army and Malaya Communist Party.
During the Japanese occupation, the most potent political force in Malaya was Malayan Communist Party (CPM) which let by Malayan People’s Anti Japanese Army (MPAJA) and its civilian support movement, the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Union (MPAJU). An estimated twenty-five or more Indians had been linked with CPM or related groups in trade unions or Anti-Imperial League joined MPAJA[42]. Many Indian estate workers supported MPAJA course against oppressive Japanese Army, even though in general Indians in Malaya were supportive of Indian National Army (INA)[43]. It is the known fact that Central Indian Association of Malaya (CIAM) and the Indian Independence League (IIL) collaborated with oppressive Japanese Army in Malaya. Usually the League led by local level English-educated
“Keranis”, who has been most directly responsible for controlling and disciplining the labourers during pre-occupation[44]. The eruption among Indians of pent-up resentment against the “Black European” in the chaotic days after the departure of the European managers was intensified by the reassertion of Asian managerial authority during Japanese occupation, and by the Asian staff’s co-operation with the Japanese in the recruitment of labour for the Siam-Burma “Death” Railway. To many labourers, IIL offered no protection against Japanese atrocities. For the younger Malayan-born labourers, the ideology of IIL and INA did not seem to be realistic. In contrast, the MPAJA which aimed to over throw both European and Japanese, in its attacks on Japanese and local collaborators, including Asian estate staffs, exerted the Robin-Hood-like attraction to the Indian labourers. In urban area, MPAJA were linked with Chinese labourers who bargained in collaboration with their Indian counterparts for higher and better living conditions. In the views of Indian labourers, IIL seen as an arm working and attempted to round up Indians for Japanese and MPAJA encouraged them to demand for more rice and better pay.
MPAJA began exerting their influence upon the INA in early stage. Ganapathy who was a known communist joined INA as an instructor. They soon gathered together sympathizers who were already interested in socialist ideas and to co-operate with Anti-Japanese movement. There was also considerable growing tension between North Indian regulars and local Tamil volunteers. [45]Instead of being sent on a glorious campaign for the liberation of India, local volunteers were allocated defensive positions in support of Japanese imperialism against Allied invasion. For many Tamils who cooped up in INA camps in frustration deserted their camps to join MPAJA as the alternative of liberating Malaya seen to be more attractive. Connection between local recruits in INA and MPAJA grew despite Bose efforts to restore the cohesion and purpose with met with very little success. Squeezed dry by Bose’s fund collectors, the community was unable to raise significant for emergency welfare services for impoverished and starving sections of the Indians community. Nationalistic enthusiasm brought by Bose faded away failing to raise positive response from the mass of the Indian population.
At the end of the war, knowing that Japanese had surrendered, Ganapathy sent a letter through Sudarman to his comrades in INA camp at Majidee, Johor Bahru to desert the INA camp, being concerned about their safety upon the return of the British to Malaya.
Revolt against Discrimination in Indian National Army (INA)
According to V.Sudarman, there have been a wide spread domination of North Indian regulars over locally recruited Tamil volunteers. The local Indians who joined as junior officers and recruits were discriminated in INA[46]. In the INA training camp where Ganapathy was appointed as an instructor, in an act of defiance (what Sudarman termed as “Chapati[47] Protest”) was staged[48]. Ganapathy instructed the local Tamil volunteers not to eat their regular servings of “Chapati” instead to hang the bread all around the dinner mess as a protest against INA officers who deliberately refused the local volunteers servings of rice[49].Subsequently, Ganapathy and his comrades were court-martialed. Only with interference of Subhas Chandra Bose at the end of the trial saved Ganapathy from further punished and expulsion from INA[50]. Sudarman also informed that during the trial there were allegations that Ganapathy tried to propagate communist ideology among INA recruits[51].
Common Aspiration between Ganapathy and Lim Chin Siong
Free Education
If finding parallel similarities in both Lim Chin Siong and Ganapathy’s struggles and visions for the working class, many to be found. For example, Lim Chin Siong who believed in providing free education and financial assistance to schools of various communities[52], Ganapathy too propagated the importance of education to the working class. Singapore Federation of Trade Union[53] (SFTU) up to the time of Emergency ran and provided free education for over 40 schools with attendance of 1700 students in Singapore[54]. These schools usually situated where government or other type of schools were not available[55]. Like Lim Chin Siong, Ganapathy has been constantly thirsty for knowledge and shared his views on labour issue in Munnani, CPM sponsored communication tool with Ganapathy as the editor.
Struggle for Unification under PMFTU and Minimum Wage
Due lack of records of Ganapathy’s involvement in unions, it is only possible to review roles and proposition taken by Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Unions (PMFTU) under his leadership in order to get a better understanding of Ganapathy . Ganapathy was elected as President of PMFTU on 7th February 1947[56] in a conference which was held in Kuala Lumpur. Among the 22 resolutions which were passed, provision of basic salary was one of the resolutions. As Lim Chin Siong aspired to enact a “Workers’ Charter’[57] that emphasized minimum wages and 40 working hours-a-week (to name a few), the 1947 conference has approved to call for 44 working hours –a-week and forty seven Central Managing Council members and 13 substitutes were elected to look into setting minimum wage.
As Lim Chin Siong wanted workers to be united to fight for their legitimate rights, in 1947, Ganapathy emphasized that communal and racial differences need to be overcome and pledged to work for working class to promote unification of trade union organisations. In order to widen PMFTU leaders’ knowledge and experience in union movement, the leaders were told to assist all ethnic groups to organise trade union and to take part actively in union disputes.
Fight for a Democratic Constitution is a Fight for Better Food and Clothing
Realizing that only political will would able to resolve the suffering of the working class, PMFTU forged alliance with PUTERA-AMCJA to campaign for a democratic constitution. An often quoted speech of S.A Ganapathy by historians was made in Ipoh on the 15th October 1947. Addressing the Executive Bureau of PMFTU, Ganapathy pointed out that a democratic constitution was most vital to the promotion of the standard of living of the workers[58]. Understanding that large masses were illiterate and still in the stage of struggling for basic needs in life, Ganapathy choose to relate basic human needs to political ideology. He said;
“If the economic and the finance of the country is to be improved so as to place industries in a position to pay higher wages, if we are to have better social services, if there is to be equitable distribution of income and resources, these can only be secured by influencing the legislation of the country” [59].
It is interesting how Ganapathy related food and clothing to a political ideology as he repeatedly said
“A fight for democratic constitution is a fight for better food and clothing” in galvanizing the working class mass to support for PUTERA-AMCJA’s Hartal 1947[60] .
Apart from basic needs Ganapathy also touched on inflation, balanced economy and guaranteed civil rights.
In speaking on curtailment in civil liberties, Ganapathy condemned the usage of Societies’ Ordinance, the House to House Collections Ordinance, which requirement of 10 days’ notice to the police for calling a mass meeting, trespassing restrictions in plantations and the Banishment Ordinance.
Ganapathy also condemned the trespassing restrictions imposed by planter while the government professing trade union rights. Trespassing restriction deprives the workers his right and dignity as a human being and reduces his status to that is a serf[61] and an insult to the working class. By lifting these restrictions would lay stable foundations to the development of democracy in Malaya.
Ganapathy also hit out on the not very modernized[62] planting methods practiced in plantation and criticized the inertness of Malayan Government to take steps to place Malayan economy on a sound basis by working out a plan of balancing economic development[63].
"In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end" – Karl Marx
Same article translated into Mandarin
为纪念甘纳巴迪（S.A Ganapathy）为马来亚劳工阶级所付出无私的服务，马来亚职工会顾问约翰·布雷热（ John Brazier） 先生在其为马来亚中型职工会的研讨会上的主题演讲中，向甘纳巴迪致敬。言词中，也表达了对英国政府的不满：
“我无法不提及因为触犯法令而被判处死刑的甘纳巴迪先生。虽然其政治理念有所偏差，但他真诚的为劳动者们服务，让我们久久无法忘却。感激他的服务与付出，我们对其那段黑暗低潮的日子表示同情。我们真心希望有关当局能正视他对贫穷和不知晓本身权益的劳动者们的付出，体会他所受到来自于这群受惠工友们的怜悯。” [1]
世界劳工组织已针对泛马职工会联合总会主席甘纳巴迪和其续任者威拉圣南（P.Veerasenan）被暗杀一事向联合国提出抗议。该组织也向甘纳巴迪致敬：
“除了对已故甘纳巴迪和威拉圣南表达敬意，世界劳工组织也正式通报联合国有关近期这起侵犯职工会自由，以及对他人性命及人权的攻击事件。此外，世界劳工组织也已向英国政府表达抗议。[2]
在美国，国际港口与仓库雇员联合会也对马来亚英殖民政府的所为提出最为强烈的批评。该组织主席哈里·布里奇斯（Harry R. Bridges） 先生针对甘纳巴迪遭处刑[3]，向位于华盛顿的英国大使馆表达谴责：
“这起判决称得上是大英帝国主义者的谋杀，也是濒死的帝国主义最后殊死一击。过去这些年，已有超过1万5千多名无辜的马来亚公民被英国当局拘禁，或除以私刑折磨至死，不是因为犯罪，只因他们参与工会组织，并表达要英国滚出马来亚，将她交还给真正拥有者的意愿。”
“英国政府的罪行让我们感到前所未有的震惊；因为上述部分罪行是以美国人民及工会会员生产的武器及资金供给来进行的！”
同一时间在印度，一份由英国人所持有的《加尔各答政治家》（Calcutta Statesman）报章承认这次处刑是极其严厉残酷的，并认为当局应当更睿智和从宽处理拥有枪械等武器的刑法。该报章也宣称，为了印度和英国的良好关系，马来亚英殖民当局应当为此不合时宜，不人道处理的事件负起全责。他们引发国际震荡，理应被白厅（白厅是英国伦敦市内的一条街。多个英国重要政府机关设在这里，因此人们用白厅作为英国行政部门的代称——编者注）除名。 [4]该份报纸也要求将涉案的马来亚官员开除。
印度每日邮报也报导了几位印度领袖的对此事件的看法。其中一人便是印度国民大会党的总秘书卡拉文卡塔饶先生（Kala Venkararao），他将此案与敏真谛红衣主教（Cardinal Mindszenty，匈牙利天主教红衣主教——编者注）[5]相提并论。
纳布尔社会主义党称 1949年的5月15日为"甘纳巴迪烈士日“（Saheed Ganapathy Day）。在他们向印度政府提呈的申诉中，该党秘书长苏雷斯（Suresh Gangga） 提及甘纳巴迪和威拉圣南遭到马来亚英殖民政府处刑和枪击一案显示，众多印度同胞的生命在外国人眼里是多么的不值一提[6]。
另外一位印度著名社会主义者及工会领袖阿育王梅塔（Asoka Metha） 称甘纳巴迪的处刑就如同在伦敦伪造的共和联邦链里的一颗吊坠一般[7]。
报章媒体大量报导有关甘纳巴迪遭到处决的新闻，却很少刊载关于其生平的文章。为了维持在马来亚的影响力，英国殖民者及资本家们，无所不用其极的将许多工会领袖污蔑为共产主义者。许多工会领袖的记录多年来从不对外公开，这么多年来造成了他们所支持的立场及价值观无法被大众所得知以及讨论。直到近几年文件被解密，我们才能够探讨甘纳巴迪[8]的人格及其思想意识的依据。
甘纳巴迪生平简介
甘纳巴迪出生于1917年，出生地为马德拉省淡米尔纳德邦[9]。1929年，辗转来到新加坡工作 [10]。他于1939年加入了马来亚共产党[11]。1943 至 1945年日治时期他在印度国民军（Indian National Army，INA）里担任教官[12]。独立后，他继续为马来亚共产党效力，筹办了普通工友联合会（General Labour Union）印裔部门，并在1945 年升任为秘书[13]。他在1946至1947年间活跃于扩展普通工友联合会的势力[14]。同时根据报道，他也曾担任马来亚共产党中央委员职[15]。
甘纳巴迪在1947年2月被推选为泛马职工会联合总会的主席[16]。该工会实际拥有约40万名会员，相当于当时60%的劳动力[17]。1947年3月25日至4月2日期间，甘纳巴迪代表马来亚参加在印度德里举行的亚裔关系研讨会[18]。1947年，在甘纳巴迪的领导组织下，新加坡职工会联合会（Singapore Federation of Trade Union，简称SFTU）举办了一场空前盛大的劳动节游行，总计5万人参与。次年新加坡职工会联合会宣布将号召10万名劳动者参与劳动节游行，然而时任新加坡政府下令禁止所有游行集会活动。时任泛马职工会联合总会秘书长Cheng Lu先生呼吁工人们放弃上街游行庆祝活动，“因为政府恫言将以军队来镇压参与游行者”。[19]如果当时这场游行获批准，将会是这国家有史以来最大型的劳动节街头游行活动。
1948年6月紧急法令颁布后，甘纳巴迪从公众视野消失。他藏匿在雪兰莪万绕 一个橡胶园内（Waterfall Estate），并于1949年3月1日被逮捕[20]。他是被有关橡胶园的代经理西蒙斯（J.W.W Simons） 和一组特警所逮捕[21]。据说当时甘纳巴迪拒绝投降，挣扎期间他尝试从其腰带拔出左轮手枪。但最后被特警制服，并送往万绕警察总部[22]。
1949年3月15日，甘纳巴迪因非法拥有0.45口径的左轮手枪及6发子弹被判处死刑[23]。审讯期间，2名特警及万绕警察总部的警察出庭指证甘纳巴迪[24]。之后甘纳巴迪的上诉被带到终审法庭，但同年4月1日被驳回[25]。直到4月23日，雪兰莪州行政官证实了甘纳巴迪的刑罚[26]。
甘纳巴迪是共产党人吗？甘纳巴迪的导师——Gurudevan
尽管许多人针对甘纳巴迪在他的斗争中究竟拥护什么意识形态争论不休，T.N哈珀（TN Harper）在他的著作《大英帝国的终结与马来亚的形成》（The End of British Empire and the Making of Malaya）中说明甘纳巴迪是一个共产党人。前政治部官员阿末汗（Ahmad Khan）在接受新加坡国家档案局的访谈进一步加强了此说法[27]。另一位确认此说法的是印度国民军（Indian National Army , 简称INA）和马来亚民族解放军（Malayan National Liberation Army ， 简称MNLA）前战士，V. Sudarman[28]。他在一项访谈中表示他深信甘纳巴迪的共产主义思想是源自一位名为Gurudevan[29]的谜一般的人物。
另一位负责逮捕及审讯Gurudevan的前政治部官员理查德(Richard Corridon)，在一项口述历史的访谈中声称[30]，“Gurudevan”很可能不是一个人的真名。“Gurudevan”的意思是“神的导师”，这或许是在印度独立同盟和印度国民军中，对那些深入理解共产主义并向新加坡知名左翼人士（包括受英文教育者如约翰伊巴John Eber）宣传共产主义思想的人，都称为“Gurudevan”即“神的导师”。
阿末汗（Ahmad Khan,）[31]是一名受委协助理查德遏制共产主义运动在马来亚印裔族群中发展的前政治部官员，他认为，Gurudevan是“一个非常有才智的人” [32]，也以伪装技巧著称。据说Gurudevan在马来亚共产党有着“资深的地位”，当他作为新加坡电话公司雇员联合会的一名小理事之时，他在一家电话公司的一个小房间里执行任务。阿末汗也揭露甘纳巴迪在二战前便已经是有名的杰出的印裔共产党领袖[33]。
关于甘纳巴迪在日军占领期间参与的共产主义活动，曾有报导指出甘纳巴迪在詹达拉博斯(Subhas Chandra Bose是一名印度国民军最高领袖——编者注)抵达新加坡前已遭日本宪兵逮捕和拷打。甘纳巴迪在1942年3月至4月间被扣留。在扣留期间，甘纳巴迪被日本宪兵用皮带拷打，逼他招认是共产党员[34]。
自我尊重运动和E.V.拉玛沙米（E.V Ramasamy） (Periyar)
由E.V拉玛沙米发起的“自我尊重运动”（后来通称为“达罗毗荼运动”）给马来亚和新加坡的印裔族群带来许多社会变革的作用。1929和1931年间，E.V拉玛沙米到访马来亚宣扬废除种姓制度受到许多在马来亚来自印度南部的印裔的支持。E.V拉玛沙米和B.R安贝德卡（B.R.Ambedkar） 的热烈追随者维拉帕迪安（S. Veerapandian）在一系列讲座[35]提及甘纳巴迪。甘纳巴迪非常敬仰E.V拉玛沙米及他在印度淡米尔纳德邦推动的改革。据维拉帕迪安的说法，1937年在淡米尔纳德邦发生反印地文抗议行动（anti-Hindi protest），甘纳巴迪委派了三位代表[36]从新加坡到印度参加该行动。甘纳巴迪在写给E.V拉玛沙米的一封信中说明他本身由于正忙于在马来亚推动废除种姓歧视运动而无法参与在印度的抗议行动。
有趣的是，达罗毗荼民族主义者首先是在新加坡“不可招惹者协会”（Ahampadiyar Sangam），一个要求提升低种姓地位的民间团体，而后是在成立于1930年代的淡米尔改革协会组织起来 [37]。据推测，由于甘纳巴迪属于Ahampadiyar种姓，他很可能与“不可招惹者协会”有着密切关系。1920代末起，一连串的新闻活动有效地传达了淡米尔改革的信息，如：创立于1929年的《前进》(Munnetram) , 1931年的《改革》(Sreethirutham) 及1935年的《淡米尔之声》(Tamil Murasu)。
除了广泛报道印度南部达罗毗荼运动，他们也宣传“不可招惹者协会”和淡米尔改革协会的改革理念，其中包括宣传种姓制度的邪恶、婆罗门教的统治、节制克己的需要、改善教育和医疗卫生、废除某些宗教仪规如过火炕仪式（Kavadi）、支持一夫一妻制及妇女解放[38]。上述思想改革活动，不仅塑造了甘纳巴迪的个性，也塑造了无数从南印度来到马来亚的青年的个性。鼓吹淡米尔改革的消息是经由《淡米尔之声》的传播而广泛流传的。《淡米尔之声》在1930年代[39]中期是《淡米尔尼申报》（Tamil Nesan）的主要竞争对手。
“自我尊重运动”（Self-Respect Movement）本身受到共产主义思想的深刻影响。一个名为Malayapuram Singaravelu Chettiar[40]的人，他是在淡米尔纳德邦工会斗争的先锋人物，他认为，淡米尔纳德邦的共产主义运动和“自我尊重运动”应该合作，携手把淡米尔工人从宗教和经济剥削的魔掌中拯救出来。 Singaravelu的意见发表在“自我尊重运动”的官方喉舌——Kudiyarasu。一名来自斯里兰卡的杰出的淡米尔学者Karthigesu Sivathamby，他深入研究了马德拉斯省的社会运动，提出Singaravelar与“自我尊重运动”相结合的意义如下:
在这个时候，理性主义运动，通过与世界社会主义运动的结合，变得更加科学。这不是英格索尔式的不可知论理性主义。它变得越来越科学...¬¬推广社会主义，等等。这点由M. Singaravelu Chettiar和Periyar的即时结合表现出来。[41]
由于大多数发表在Kudiyarasu的文章和观点不断地转载到新加坡的《每日淡米尔》报上，这可能塑造了甘纳巴迪对抗资产阶级的斗争观点。
社会改良主义者：马来亚的种姓歧视（1936至1938年）
有人说，居住在新加坡的高种姓南方印度人不断控诉，高种姓者与低种姓者不应平等对待，因为若是平等对待就违反了“种姓论”(Varnasharama Shastra)。因此，那些通常成为市政工人的低种姓印度人常遭遇歧视，尤其是在咖啡店，他们只被允许用铁罐喝咖啡，并只可以坐在地上而不是长凳上。甘纳巴迪几乎花了两年时间来消除这种歧视性做法，在新加坡的印度人之中带来社会改革。
印裔劳动者、印度国民军和马来亚共产党（马共）
在日治时期，马来亚共产党（CPM是马来亚的最强大的政治力量。它领导马来亚人民抗日军（Malayan People’s Anti Japanese Army , 简称MPAJA）及其民运组织马来亚人民抗日联盟（Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Union， 简称MPAJU）。估计有25位或更多与马共或与其相关的工会组织或者是“反帝大同盟”（Anti-Imperial League）有联系的印度人加入了马来亚人民抗日军[42]。虽然在马来亚的印度人普遍上是支持印度国民军（INA）的[43]，许多印裔园丘工人仍然支持马来亚人民抗日军对抗日本军的方针。马来亚印度人中央协会（Central Indian Association of Malaya, 简称CIAM）和印度独立联盟（Indian Independence League ，简称IIL）在马来亚与残暴的日本军队合作是众所周知的事实。该联盟通常由各地方受英语教育的“书记”组成的集团所领导。在日军占领前，“书记集团”直接控制和管教印裔工人[44]。在欧裔经理离开后，本地印裔劳工对“黑肤色欧洲人”（即作为资方爪牙的印裔书记集团——编者注）压抑已久的不满终于爆发。而日治时期确立的亚裔管理权威以及这些亚裔职员勾结日本人招聘泰缅“死亡铁路” 劳工等事情，更加剧了事态的严重性。对许多工人而言，印度独立联盟根本没有保护人民免受日军暴行的伤害。而对年轻一代在马来亚出生的劳动者而言，印度独立联盟和印度国民军的理念并不实际。相反地，旨在赶走欧洲和日本殖民者的马来亚人民抗日军所发动的，针对日本军和他的本地爪牙们（包括那些亚裔种植园职员）的攻击，发挥了罗宾汉劫富济贫式的作用，成功吸引到印裔劳工。在市区，马来亚人民抗日军则与那些联合印裔劳工争取提高生活条件的华裔劳工有联系。在印裔劳工的眼里，印度独立联盟更像是帮助日军围捕印度人的鹰犬，而马来亚人民抗日军则鼓舞他们争取更多的米饭和更高的工资。
马来亚人民抗日军很早就开始在印度国民军里发挥影响力。 知名共产党人甘纳巴迪加入印度国民军成为一名指挥官。他们很快就把原已倾向社会主义思想的同情者们聚集在一起，并与抗日运动合作。当时来自北印度的兵士和本地的淡米尔志愿者之间的关系日益紧张[45]。本地的志愿者并不获指派参与解放印度的光荣宣传运动，反而被派往协助日本帝国主义者抵抗盟军的进攻。许多深陷这种困境的淡米尔人觉得解放马来亚这个选项更具吸引力，因此选择离开印度国民军转而加入马来亚人民抗日军。印度国民军的本地新兵和马来亚人民抗日军之间的联系不断加强，而詹达拉博斯（印度国民军领袖）企图恢复凝聚力和共同目的的努力却成效甚微。由于受到詹达拉博斯筹款活动的影响，本地印裔社群再也没有多余的能力为本社群里那些家徒四壁、食不果腹的贫困者提供紧急救济了。詹达拉博斯带来的民族主义热情也因此未能获得印裔社群的正面响应就这样烟消云散了。
在战争末期，当得知日军投降后，甘纳巴迪给他在新山美芝里（Majidee）印度国民军营地的同志苏达曼（V.Sudarman）写了一封信，通知他离开营地。他担心英国殖民者重返马来亚时他们的安全受到威胁。
针对印度国民军内歧视现象的反抗
根据苏达曼（V.Sudarman），本地招聘的淡米尔志愿者普遍遭到北印度士兵的压迫。加入成为低级军官或新兵的本地印裔在印度国民军遭到歧视[46]。在甘纳巴迪身为指挥官的印度国民军培训营，发生了抗议行动[47]（苏达曼称之为“Chapati抗议行动”[48]）。甘纳巴迪指示本地淡米尔志愿者不要吃每天送上的印度面饼”Chapati”，而是在晚餐时将面饼高高挂起，象征对军队官员拒绝配饭给本地志愿者的抗议[49]。为此，甘纳巴迪和他的同志们被送往军事法庭接受审判。詹达拉博斯在审讯结束前介入，甘纳巴迪才得以逃过进一步的惩罚，甚至是解除军职[50]。苏达曼还获悉，甘纳巴迪在审讯过程中也面对试图在印度国民军成员之间传播共产主义思想的指控[51]。
甘纳巴迪和林清祥之间的共同愿望
免费教育
林清祥和甘纳巴迪为工人阶级利益的斗争和愿景有许多共同点。比如，林清祥认为应该提供免费教育及财务援助给各个社区的学校[52]；甘纳巴迪也宣扬教育对工人阶级的重要。在英殖民政府实施紧急状态之前，新加坡职工会联合会（SFTU）[53]，在新加坡经营超过40间学校，为1700学生提供免费教育[54]。这些学校通常坐落在没有政府学校或其他类型学校的地方 [55]。甘纳巴迪像林清祥一样，不断保持对知识的渴望。他作为马共主办的宣传工具《工人报》（Munnani）的主编，经常在工人课题上发表他的意见。
争取在泛马职工会联合总会（PMFTU）旗帜下的统一和争取最低工资的斗争
由于缺乏甘纳巴迪在工会活动的材料，想要更好地了解甘纳巴迪，就只能通过回顾在他领导时期的泛马职工会联合总会（Pan-Malayan Federation of Trade Unions，简称PMFTU）所曾扮演的角色和采取的主张了。甘纳巴迪于1947年2月7日[56]在吉隆坡举行的一次大会上当选为泛马职工会联合总会主席。该大会通过了22项决议，其中包括提供基本工资。林清祥曾经推动强调制定最低薪酬、每周工作40小时的《劳工宪章》[57]，1947年的那场大会同样通过了每周工作44小时的决议，也选出了47名中央管理委员和13名替代成员（即后补委员——编者注）来研究最低工资的制定。
像林清祥要求工人团结一致争取自己的合法权利一样，甘纳巴迪在1947年强调必须解决族群和种族间的分歧，并承诺为工人阶级推动统一工会组织的工作。为了提升工会领导人在职工会运动方面的知识和经验，泛马职工会联合总会要求属下工会领导者必须协助所有族群工人组织各行各业的工会，并积极参与解决工会的纠纷。
争取民主宪法的斗争即是为争取温饱的斗争
认识到只有政治决心才能够将工人阶级从痛苦中解放出来，泛马职工会联合总会融入到泛马行动委员会（All-Malayan Council of Joint Action，简称AMCJA）与人民力量中心（Pusat Tenaga Ra`ayat，简称PUTERA）所组成的联合阵线，开展争取一个民主宪法的宣传活动。1947年10月15日，甘纳巴迪在怡保发表了一篇常被历史学家引述的讲话。在对泛马职工会联合总会执行部人员的讲话中，他指出：一部民主的宪法对提升工人生活水平，是最重要的、不可少的工具[58]。了解到广大群众目不识丁而且仍然处在为基本生活需求上苦苦挣扎的阶段，甘纳巴迪选择将人们的基本需求同政治理念联系起来。他这么说：
“只有对国家立法施加影响力，才得以确保国家经济和财富改善和提高而使各行业有条件支付更高工资，才能确保我们享有更好的公共服务，才能确保国家的收入与资源的公平分配。” [59]
有趣的是，在激发工人阶级和人民群众响应PUTERA-AMCJA 发动的1947年的大罢业行动上[60]，他不断发表“争取民主宪法的斗争即是为争取温饱的斗争”的谈话，把人们的温饱和政治理念相联系起来。
除了基本需求，甘纳巴迪还谈到通货膨胀，平衡经济和保障公民权利。
针对有关当局钳制公民自由，他谴责当局使用社团法令、逐户募捐法令、规定群众大会十天以前必须通知警方条例、限制擅自闯入园丘条例以及驱逐出境法令。
甘纳巴迪也谴责政府已经颁布承认工会权利又实施园丘业主强加给工会和工人的限制擅自闯入园丘条例。限制擅入园丘的条例是剥夺工人的正当权利，损害工人作为人的尊严，将工人贬低成奴隶以及形同对工人阶级的侮辱[61]。撤除这些限制将为马来亚的民主发展奠定稳固的基石。
甘纳巴迪也抨击园丘业者使用“极不先进” [62]的种植方法，他批评马来亚政府懈怠于“采取步骤制定平衡经济发展计划以巩固马来亚的经济基础” [63]。
“若马来亚有了平衡的经济、公民自由得到保障以及有了民主宪法让人民意志对立法施加影响，提升工人生活水平和减轻工人生活痛苦，将会容易得多。[64]
在推动阶级斗争方面，他抨击禁止公务员加入非公务员工会的工会法令。甘纳巴迪认为，工人属于单一阶级。工人之间没有根本利益、民族特性或其他方面的障碍的。工人必须团结，对任何国家健全的民主发展，都是至关重要的。[65]
关于工人薪资课题，他向有关当局做出警告，制定最低薪金制，以确保劳动群众的基本生计、维持体能以及维护马来亚的法律和秩序，是至关重要的。
“正当实际工资被压榨到令人挂虑的低水平、工人阶级觉悟到自身的权利之际，制定最低薪金制对促进国家快速复苏是至关重要的。我极力强调，制定最低薪金制是必需的，因为它对维护马来亚的法律和秩序是至关重要的。”
此外，甘纳巴迪具有“人民领袖”的气质，他完全能够理解和体会工人的艰辛生活。认识到每个族群有本身的传统饮食，他甚至提到应该将各族群的饮食因素考虑在制定工人最低薪金制内。
“工人的饮食开支不是按照维持他生命所需的最低热量，而是按照确保他健壮所需传统饮食的最低热量来计算。
甘纳巴迪将不公平的工资和剧增的犯罪案联系起来。他指出，马来亚政府必须为犯罪率的上升负责，这是由于劳动人民的工资被抑制所致。
“尊敬的总督通过马来亚广播电台发表讲话指出， ‘犯罪案无论处于严重或者轻微的程度，一般上都和就业有一定的关系。 ’但是他进一步说马来亚有充分的就业。那么除了工资不足，没有其他经济原因导致犯罪案增加。我不知道为什么总督没有为他的观点做出逻辑性的结论。”
在会议上，甘纳巴迪促使泛马职工会联合总会将全心全力支持由PUTERA-AMCJA在全马来亚推动的拒绝宪法修正建议的宣传活动。[66]
“一部民主的宪法对于提升工人生活水平的斗争而言是最重要的。“只有对国家立法施加影响力，才得以确保国家经济和财富改善和提高而使各行业有条件支付更高工资，才能确保我们享有更好的公共服务，才能确保国家的收入与资源的公平分配。” 没有能够反映人民意志的民主宪法，这些愿望无法得到实现。所以说，争取民主宪法的斗争就是为争取温饱的斗争。”
尽管有人提出争论说, 甘纳巴迪的做法和观点只是围绕在职工会运动，甘纳巴迪没有争取国家独立的政治志向[67]，但是，他鼓吹以工人权益为基础的民主原则的努力和贡献对一个民族国家的形成是至关重要的。他参与推动PUTERA-AMCJA建立一个独立民主国家的运动显示甘纳巴迪积极支持民族解放运动。
泛马职工会联合总会的终结
当政府与资本家在1947年底发现所有制止泛马职工会联合总会发展的其他措施都无法奏效时，他们开始使用立法手段。通过1940年工会法令，工会注册局施压各个工会与泛马职工会联合总会划清界限。除了已有钳制工会的条款如阻止工会经费用于政治用途及拒绝20％捐献给职工会联合会，1948年5月也通过工会法令的修钉以引进更多限制性的条款。事实证明，工人群众主张和维护本身的权利是非常成功的。因此，约翰·布雷热有计划地渗透到组织良好并能实现本身需求的独立工会中去。利用法令条例控制工会，是政府当局破坏工会组织的重要手段。
尽管泛马职工会联合总会早于1946年11月就主动寻求官方的认可，也没有任何迹象显示政府将取缔泛马职工会联合总会及其联盟。由于新加坡政府于1946年8月已经登记新加坡职工会联合会并豁免其受工会法令的制约，因此泛马职工会联合总会也希望它可以注册成功。此外，当时约翰·布雷热也使得泛马职工会联合总会相信类似安排是可行的。但在1948年7月， 95个工会被工会注册局除名，泛马职工会联合总会的会员人数则从1948年4月的154,434人下降到同年9月的75,564人。[68]政府花上了20个月以上来答复泛马职工会联合总会的注册申请，并在1948年6月12日正式通知泛马职工会联合总会驳回它的注册申请。随后，在1948年6月13日，马来亚最大的和最有影响力的工人组织——泛马职工会联合总会正式被取缔。工会领袖和干部被逮捕，并从工会里彻底地剔除。到1949年，工会会员的注册人数下降到41,305或1947年大约五分之一的水平。1949年9月，总数超过800个印度人因涉嫌协助共产党人而被关押。[69]
结语
即使在过去几年中这个国家的工会斗争轨迹发生了许多戏剧性的转折，工人阶级的核心问题，包括工资，医疗援助和社会保障问题依然不变，即继续由雇主所操纵。移民劳工大举涌入马来西亚，占据不熟练、低工资和有危险性的工作岗位，这种现象揭示了资本主义在我国经济里确实根深蒂固。马来西亚是如此热衷于迎接新自由主义政策并成为侵蚀性贸易协定如跨太平洋伙伴协议（TPPA）和区域全面经济伙伴关系（RCEP）的参与者。因此，为确保劳动者不再因为资本家的利益而被操纵，提高劳动阶级的觉悟是非常紧要的。
目不识丁或教育程度低，和缺乏财务上影响力的个人，必须像甘纳巴迪和林清祥一样，依靠十足的决心和辛勤的工作，才能发挥影响力和领导强大的工会组织如泛马职工会联合总会。甘纳巴迪和林清祥对于劳动阶级的社会福利和的经济发展的不断思索，都反映在他们的行动、言语和他们遗留下来的斗争精神。这两位伟人实现工人团结的愿望尚未成为现实。
一旦个人对个人的剥削终结，民族对民族的剥削就会随之终结。一旦民族内部的阶级对立消失，民族之间的敌对关系就会随之消失——卡尔·马克思 语录
Foot Note:
- Charles Gamba, The origin of trade unionism in Malaya (Singapore 1960) p. 417. Brazier’s statement was released by the Public Relation Office, Singapore Press Release MY 49/2, May 1st 1949, and immediately called for an explanation by Singapore Government from Brazier.
- Indian Daily Mail (Singapore) 9th May 1949 - UN to Discuss Ganapathy’s Case: WFTU Protest to Peace Body against Assassination in Malaya”
- Telegram dated 22nd June 1949
- Indian Daily Mail (Singapore) 9th May 1949 - UN to Discuss Ganapathy’s Case: WFTU Protest to Peace Body against Assassination in Malaya
- Ibid, On 26 December 1948, Cardinal Mindszenty was arrested and accused of treason, conspiracy, and other offences against the new People's Republic of Hungary. While he was imprisoned by the communist government, Mindszenty was repeatedly hit with rubber truncheons and subjected to other forms of torture until he agreed to confess. Cardinal Mindszenty's forced confession included orchestrating the theft of the Crown of Saint Stephen for the sole purpose of crowning Crown Prince Otto von Hapsburg as King of Hungary, scheming to overthrow the Party and reestablish Capitalism, planning a third World War and assuming supreme political power himself
- Indian Daily Mail (Singapore) 9th May 1949- UN to Discuss Ganapathy’s Case: WFTU Protest to Peace Body against Assassination in Malaya
- Indian Daily Mail (Singapore) 7th May 1949 - It is Cold Blooded Murder Of A Working Class Labourer
- Out of five files on S.A Ganapathy, one file CO 537/4769 Case of Mr. S A Ganapathy is still withheld by Foreign and Commonwealth Department, UK. Details of release files for public: DO 142/405 Death sentences in Malaya on Mr. S A Ganapathy and Mr. Sambasivan, PREM 8/967 High Commissioner for India sought reprieves for Ganapathy and Samba Sivam who were found to be carrying arms and ammunition in Malaya, CO 537/4770 Case of Mr. S A Ganapathy and CO 717/179/1 Mr. S A Ganapathy: Public reactions.
- Telegram No.510 from High Commissioner of Malaya to the Secretary of State of Colonies dated 2nd May 1949
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- The Singapore Free Press – 8th February 1947, Labour Want 44-hr Week
- Charles Gamba, The origin of trade unionism in Malaya (Singapore 1960)
- The Singapore Press – 12th March 1947
- Charles Gamba, The origin of trade unionism in Malaya (Singapore 1960) p. 330. See also The Straits Times – 29th April 1948.
- The Malay Mail 4th May 1949 – “Former Trade Unions President Hanged”
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- The Straits Times 2nd April 1949 – Lawyer K.C Chia appearing for Ganapathy said that he had gone through the records and could find nothing to urge on behalf of the appellant.
- The Malay Mail 4th May 1949 – “Former Trade Unions President Hanged”
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- Ahmad Khan – Oral History Accession Number 000150, Reel/Disc 7 – National Achieve Singapore
- V. Sutharman authored his autobiography – A Tamil Revolutionary in the Independent Struggle in Asia (1989, in Tamil)
- According to Sutharman (interview 2012), Gurudevan also headed the Intelligence Bureau of Indian Section in Malayan Communist Party would have many influences over Ganapathy. Gurudevan was arrested by R.Corrindon on a plantation estate in Negeri Sembilan in December 1949. In a telegram (17th December 1949), which Gurney wrote to Secretary of State of Colonies with reference made on the arrest of Gurudevan as the number one Indian Communist in the country
- Richard Corridon - Oral History Accession Number 000044, Reel/Disc 4 - National Achieve Singapore
- Ahmad Khan – Oral History Accession Number 000150, Reel/Disc 7 – National Achieve Singapore. Khan was working as Japanese Police claimed that he saved Ganapathy from being tortured and killed by Japanese Kempeitai - Oral History Accession Number 000150, Reel/Disc 6 – National Achieve Singapore.
- Ibid.,
- Ahmad Khan, Oral History Accession Number 000150, Reel/Disc 6 – National Achieve Singapore. Khan who worked for Japanese Police claimed that he saved Ganapathy from being tortured and killed by Japanese Kempeitai.
- The Straits Times – 9th May 1946 – Allegations against Police Officer
- Prof. Suba Veerapandian – ‘Ulaga Viduthalai Porigalin Varisayil Malaya Ganapathy” (International Freedom Fighters - Malaya Ganapathy) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w64l3K2kuH8 (Nov. 2011, in Tamil)
- Ibid., Three representatives identified as Letchuman, Nadarajan and Samy. After spending one and half years in prison due to their involvement in Anti-Hindi Protest they returned to Malaya.
- Stenson, Class, Race and Colonialism, 1980 (University of Queensland Press). See also Rajeswary Ambalavanar, Tamil Journalism and the Indian Community in Malaya, 1920-1941
- Stenson, Class, Race and Colonialism, 1980 (University of Queensland Press) p78
- Ibid.,
- Singaravelu founded the first trade union in India, the Madras Labor Union. On 1 May 1923 he organized the first ever celebration of May Day in the country. Singaravelar was a prominent leader of the Indian independence movement, initially under the leadership of Gandhi, but later, joining the budding communist movement. In 1925, he became one of the founding fathers of the Communist Party of India.
- Frontline, Chennai (Oct.-Nov 2002) - De-ideologisation of politics is the tragedy of Tamil Nadu Interview with Karthigesu Sivathamby by R. Vijaya Sankar
- Stenson, Class, Race and Colonialism, 1980 (University of Queensland Press) p 100. See also major R.J Issac – Indian Daily Mail dated 7th April 1955
- Stenson, Class, Race and Colonialism, 1980 (University of Queensland Press)
- Ibid.,
- Ibid., (interview with K.Gurupatham and C.V Kuppusamy,1972)
- Interview with author (2012)
- Chapati is an unleavened flatbread from Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka
- Interview with author (2012). The incident took place in INA camp at Rasah, Seremban where Sudarman recruited as volunteer.
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- PAP election manifesto 1955, where Lim Chin Siong contested and won Bukit Timah constituency.
- An affiliation of PMFTU
- Charles Gamba, The origin of trade unionism in Malaya (Singapore 1960) p. 356. Once the unions were disbanded and the officials were arrested, detained and deported, these schools ceased their function.
- Ibid
- The Singapore Free Press – 8th February 1947, Labour Want 44-hr Week. Along with Ganapathy, Lam Swee and Abdullah C.D were elected as Vice Presidents, Cheng Lu as General Secretary, B. Ahmad and Krishna Murthy as Assistant Secretaries, Yap Meow Siew as Treasurer and R. Ramasamy, Chen Chong, P.Veerasenan, Sze Tong, Fuang Soon Lai and Bahar as committee members. See Appendix B
- PAP election manifesto 1955, where Lim Chin Siong contested and won Bukit Timah constituency
- The Malayan Tribune – 16th Oct.1947, Politics Is A Struggle For Food, Clothing Argues President of PMFTU
- Ibid.,
- Despite the success of the All Malaya Hartal, the government granted no concessions and differences began to emerge between PUTERA-AMCJA. A second Hartal was planned for 1 February 1948 but was aborted when financial support and was reduced to isolated strikes by the PMFTU
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- Ibid.,
- The Malayan Tribune – 16th Oct.1947
- The Malayan Tribune – 16th Oct.1947
- Indian Deputy Minister for External Affairs Dr Keskar during his visit to Malaya in 1949 regarded unrest in Malayan could not be described a struggle for liberation. Keskar regarded that Ganapathy and Veerasenan as “nothing else but bandits, having no political objective.”
- Charles Gamba, The origin of trade unionism in Malaya (Singapore 1960) p. 355
- U.Mahajani, The Role of Indian Minorities in Burma and Malaya (Bombay:Vora, 1960) p.203
 |
| CC Chin receiving token of appreciation form Silvaraja - PSM Johor |
 |
| Receiving token of appreciation form Mohan- Chairperson of Hindraf Johor |
